The work of representation is becoming increasingly complex. And this has become the case, albeit to varying degrees, for all forms of association. None are exempt: from political parties, through trade associations, to the more modern online-based organisations, as recent internal discussions within the M5S also demonstrate. Political parties are the ones facing the greatest difficulties: the upheavals and changes that began with the Tangentopoli scandal have yet to stabilise. Splits (whether actual or threatened), the formation of factions and the emergence of new political groups are almost a daily occurrence. Interest groups are not exempt either. More so than political parties, they have a constant barometer in their relations with their members, whose sentiments, discontent and expectations they gauge. Consequently, they are better able to maintain a direct link with the needs of their membership base. Yet even they, faced with the rapid pace of change brought about by new circumstances, struggle to adapt their structures, as their organisational frameworks tend to be rigid and resistant to change.

Trade unions are by no means immune to these processes – quite the contrary. Increasing openness to international markets, new divisions of labour on a global scale and repeated reforms of labour market regulations constantly put them under strain. More often than not, they find themselves on the defensive rather than taking a proactive stance. The problems facing trade unions have been well known for some time. The proportion of pensioners among members now exceeds that of active workers; there is a difficulty in establishing a presence in growth sectors (the tertiary and service sectors), amongst non-manual professionals – particularly amongst the younger generations and women – that is to say, in new areas of production and amongst the new workforce. It is as though the trade union were constantly reproducing its original representative base, unable to speak a language capable of engaging with the new dynamics of work and the markets. To quote a prophetic book by Bruno Manghi from almost 40 years ago, the trade union ‘declines as it grows’. But at that time, in the late 1970s, the trade union enjoyed a large membership among the working population and a central role in national life. Today, that role appears severely diminished, and the risk is that it will find itself on a slippery slope where it “declines as it shrinks”. Symbolically, even before numerically. In other words, the problem is not solely, or even primarily, organisational in nature, but rather one of values. It concerns the ability of trade unions to analyse, interpret and articulate the (dis)articulations of work. In a word, it is about representing the diverse work cultures that have developed in the years since the demise of the ‘working class’.
Community Media Research, in collaboration with Intesa Sanpaolo and on behalf of *La Stampa*, has launched a research project on labour issues. Having examined the level of support for the Renzi government’s Jobs Act (27.7) in the first instalment, in this second instalment we analyse the value placed on trade unions by the general public and workers. Trade unions continue to play an important role in Italy. The proportion of people who believe that things would be worse without them (33.1 per cent) is higher than those who see them as a hindrance (27.0 per cent). However, the majority of Italians (39.9 per cent) consider their role to be insignificant: trade unions neither add to nor detract from the life of the country. The picture changes slightly when we look specifically at employees. A comparison with a similar survey conducted in 2008 offers some insights. There has been a significant decrease (41.1%) in the proportion of people who see trade unions as providing protection and support (this figure stood at 51.7% in 2008). However, if we consider that the estimated proportion of unionised workers stands at around 25 per cent, the level of positive regard that trade unions still enjoy today is well above the actual level of membership. Conversely, however, the number of people who believe that things in Italy would be better without trade unions is on the rise: 22.2 per cent (compared with 14.2 per cent in 2008). Thus, whilst trade unions play a vague and largely insignificant role for the majority of the population, among employees – who constitute their cultural base and core constituency – opposition is on the rise. So much so that over half of those surveyed (54.5 per cent, 47.6 per cent of those in employment) do not believe that trade unions are effectively protecting workers’ interests, whilst only 17.6 per cent (18.2 per cent of those in employment) agree. Among the latter, the vast majority regard the confederations (CGIL-CISL-UIL) as their main point of reference (90.1 per cent). However, it is when considering the negative responses that interesting aspects emerge. The reason is not linked to the trade unions being useless or, as is often claimed, to the fact that they defend pensioners or those who already have a job. If anything, they are criticised for failing to understand the changes that have taken place in the world of work (40.1 per cent) and for operating in a way that is akin to a political party (41.5 per cent). So, on the one hand, there is the inability to adequately analyse changes in the labour market and the professions. This aspect is emphasised above all by men in their thirties, entrepreneurs, those living in areas with small businesses (the North-East) and those who identify as centre-left. On the other hand, there is the perception that it is being overwhelmed by the dynamics of the political arena, thereby losing its distinctive character. This view is particularly shared by women, younger people, manual workers, those living in the South and those who do not identify with any political party.
Difficulties in analysing the transformations taking place in the world of work and business, and the union’s alignment with political actors, are the factors undermining the trade union’s credibility. They render it insignificant in the eyes of the majority of the population and unpopular amongst a significant proportion of workers themselves. But, given the increasing fragmentation of the world of work, would a decline in the trade unions’ influence and their cultural marginalisation really benefit the country’s development?
Daniele Marini